Zabavno je brati intervju s poljskim predsednikom vlade Mateuszem Morawieckim. Iz večih razlogov. Prvič, strinjam se, da je nemška energetska politika povzročila ogromno škodo v Evropi. Vendar iz povsem drugega razloga. Morawiecki ima v mislih nemško odvisnost od ruskega plina, kar je Nemčiji vzelo politično suverenost in zaradi česar ni v celoti podpirala sankcij proti Rusiji in je zelo škrta in opotekajoča se pri dobavah orožja Ukrajini. Jaz pa seveda mislim, da je Nemčija naredila strateško napako glede fokusa na popolno podporo obnovljivim virom vetra in sonca, kar je dvignilo cene vsem energentom in kar Nemčijo dela še bolj (namesto manj) odvisno od fosilnih virov (ko ni sonca in vetra).
Drugič, Morawiecki glede Ukrajine uporablja enako frazeologijo kot naši liberalni in libertarni moralisti – da bi Rusija v vsakem primeru napadla Ukrajino in da če je ne zaustavimo, bo napadla še ostale države proti zahodu, začenši s Poljsko. Zabavno je brati, kako se hard core desničar, ki ima težave z demokracijo, s pravicami istospolno usmerjenih in pravico do splava, popolnoma ujema z levimi liberalci v retoriki glede Ukrajine in pošastnosti neliberalnega avtokratskega ruskega režima.
Tretjič, “zabavno” je slišati, kako bo Poljska od Nemčije uradno zahtevala povračilo vojne škode, povzročene v drugi svetovni vojni. Zabavno tudi zaradi tega, ker si Poljska to lahko privošči, (1) ker je članica EU in ji ne morejo zapreti dostopa do skupnega trga in EU proračunskih sredstev in (2) ker ni članica evro območja (za razliko od Grčije) in ni odvisna od dobre volje ECB glede zagotavljanja likvidnosti bankam in odkupov vladnih obveznic. Poljsko članstvo v EU je optimalno dizajnirano – zgolj sodelovanje na skupnem trgu in polni dostop do EU sredstev ob ohranitvi avtonomne monetarne politike. Idealna pozicija.
In četrtič, zabavno je brati, da se Poljska bolj zanese na ZDA kot garanta stabilnosti in varnosti v Evropi kot pa na skupne evropske institucije.
DER SPIEGEL: Mr. Prime Minister, Poland has been seen as a proponent of a hard-line toward Moscow in the Ukraine war, whereas Germany is more inclined to put the brakes on tougher measures. Is that impression still true?
Morawiecki: The position taken by the Germans, especially in the initial months of the war, was very disappointing. We are convinced that Ukraine is fighting not only for its own survival, but for Europe’s freedom. If Ukraine falls, it would only be a matter of time before Putin attacks the next country. It was disappointing for the Poles that the Germans were so late in acknowledging their energy policy mistakes. Putin uses pipelines as weapons. For him they are an instrument of warfare. Ukraine drove the enemy back faster than the Germans were able to make decisions.
DER SPIEGEL: The swap deal that has been agreed to – according to which Poland will supply Ukraine with weapons that Germany then replaces from Bundeswehr stocks – still isn’t working.
Morawiecki: What counts is not what is written on paper, but what is actually implemented. Poland has supplied weapons worth well over $2 billion already, 300 tanks and other heavy equipment. Berlin’s hesitation, its inaction, seriously calls into question the value of the alliance with Germany. And we are not the only ones saying that. I am hearing this from quite a few other heads of government in Europe, as well.
DER SPIEGEL: In the initial days after the Russian invasion, Chancellor Olaf Scholz announced a watershed shift for Germany, indicating a willingness to invest more in the country’s military. Do you have understanding for the fact that it takes time to bid farewell to previous political convictions?
Morawiecki: It’s not always about the Copernican Turn in politics, but about very simple decisions. In June, the European Union decided to give Ukraine 9 billion euros. Kyiv has to pay civil servants, the fire department, doctors, nurses and the police. The state has to survive and, of course, has problems collecting taxes in times of war. That is why things must happen quickly. The German position is vital. I understand that some things take time, but others should also be quite simple. One example: In 2016, the EU transferred billions to Turkey in a very short period of time to support refugees there. Today, Ukraine is defending our values, and the money is flowing like blood from the nose, as we say in Poland, meaning very slowly.
DER SPIEGEL: How will the Ukraine crisis affect Germany’s role in Europe?
Morawiecki: It is becoming clear that German energy policy is in ruins. The phaseout of coal and nuclear power was premature, and we don’t even need to talk about the construction of Nord Stream 1 and 2 and the associated dependence on Russia. Germany’s policies have inflicted tremendous damage on Europe.
DER SPIEGEL: Have the countries in Eastern Europe gained in stature as a result?
Morawiecki: Clearly, yes, our voice is heard to a much greater degree. We were right, after all, with all our warnings about Russia. The Germans have always been very conciliatory towards Moscow, bowing down to Russia. Perhaps many in Germany don’t know this: Trade with the countries of the Visegrád Group – the Czech Republic, Slovakia, Hungary and Poland – is significantly larger than trade with China, the U.S. or France. Germany should nurture and cultivate such partners rather than patronizing the Poles.
DER SPIEGEL: But Poland could agree to a defense union?
Morawiecki: We have been calling for steps in this direction for years. The Ukraine crisis has shown that the strongest guarantor of security is the U.S. If Ukraine were dependent on Germany within the framework of a European defense policy, it would no longer exist today.
Vir: Der Spiegel