Pred petimi leti je Mednarodni konzorcij raziskovalnih novinarjev (ICIJ) objavil t.i. Lux Leaks preiskavo, ki je razkrila, kako se je preko 300 globalnih podjetij s posebnim sporazumom z vlado Luksemburga dogovorilo, da bodo prek Luksemburga utajevala davke. Davek od dobička, ki bi ga morala plačevati v ostalih članicah EU, so v Luksemburgu po dogovoru z Junckerjevo vlado plačevala v simboličnem znesku.
Od objave Lux Leaks se ni zgodilo nič. Margrethe Vestager, komisarka za konkurenčnost v Evropski komisiji, ki je bila tako odločna in neomajna v zahtevah, da mora Slovenija razprodati banke, ki so dobile državno pomoč, je zavrnila takojšen začetek postopka proti Luksemburgu zaradi kršenja pravil (davčne) konkurence. Njen “šef”, predsednik Komisije, je bil in je še vedno seveda Jean-Claude Juncker, ki je bil v vlogi predsednika vlade Luksemburga pokrovitelj teh sporazumov.
No, ni čisto res, da se po objavi Lux Leaks ni zgodilo nič. Obtožen in obsojen je bil “žvižgač” Antoine Deltour, uslužbenec svetovalne hiše PwC, ki je fotokopiral dokumente svojega podjetja, ki je sodelovalo v teh rabotah, in jih posredoval novinarjem. Po 2-letni pravni bitki je prizivno sodišče v Luksemburgu Deltoura oprostilo obtožb.
To je pač evropska elita, s katero imamo opravka.
In several cases, the deals — known as “tax rulings” — allowed firms to pay less than 1 percent tax in Luxembourg.
The EU’s second smallest member state was secretly offering huge tax favors on an industrial scale. In some instances, leaked documents showed officials even granted lucrative tax deductions for “deemed interest” — that is, pretend payments of interest on loans that, in reality, were interest-free.
In 2014, there were immediate calls for the European Union’s then-new competition commissioner Margrethe Vestager to take action.
If Luxembourg’s tax rulings were found to offer benefits to preferred companies then Vestager could use EU competition law — which bars countries from giving state aid to favored businesses — to reverse these deals and force multinationals to make up years of tax underpayment.
But Vestager declined immediate action.
“We consider the Luxembourg-leaked documents as market information,” she told reporters in November 2014. “We will examine it and evaluate whether or not this will lead to the opening of new cases.”
Now time is running out. The current Commission is coming to the end of its five-year term, and Vestager remains silent. Why?
Certainly, the Lux Leaks scandal was an uncomfortable episode for her boss, Commission president Jean-Claude Juncker. He had previously served as Luxembourg prime minister for almost two decades, the time period in which his officials approved the Lux Leaks tax deals.
In the UK, Margaret Hodge, a member of the British parliament and a prominent tax campaigner, asked: “How can we know he’s working in the interest of Europe when, as prime minister in Luxembourg, he has exploited populations in every European country and elsewhere for decades?”
Many skeptics asked the same question. But Juncker faced down the barrage of criticism, comfortably surviving a no-confidence vote in the European Parliament — and even repositioning himself as a champion of tax reform.
“I have said the Commission will fight … tax avoidance,” he emphasized. “I would like everyone to understand this is not just words for the sake of words. This very much forms part of the Commission’s intentions.”