Ta tekst je seveda čista špekulacija. Ki pa jo objavljam zgolj iz razloga, ker prinaša zelo logično razlago nekaterih misterioznih potez Cerarjeve vlade.
Cerarjevi vladi nikakor ne uspe pojasniti, zakaj v finančno konstrukcijo drugega tira na vso silo vleče Madžarsko (govori sicer o zalednih državah, vendar glede nobene druge ne omenja nobenega kapitalskega vložka). Medtem ko madžarski predstavniki (tako v zapisnikih sestankov kot na uradnih obiskih) za svoje 200-milijonsko posojilo Sloveniji odkrito zahtevajo (1) oddajo gradbenih poslov (v adekvatni vrednosti) madžarskim podjetjem, (2) podelitev koncesije madžarskim logistom v Luki Koper (“dolgoročni najem pristaniških zmogljivosti”) mimo obstoječe koncesijske pogodbe, in (3) predajo dela bodočega železniškega prevoza na slovenskem omrežju madžarskemu operaterju Gysev Cargo, pa predstavniki slovenske vlade to zanikajo in govorijo, da se še pogajajo.
Vendar pa vse informacije, ki jih dobivam, kažejo, da Madžarska glede svojih zahtev misli resno. Pri tem pa je tudi vzorec dokaj jasen. To, da madžarska vlada zahteva, da v zameno za 200-milijonsko posojilo Sloveniji madžarska podjetja dobijo posle pri gradnji drugega tira, ima svojo podlago v siceršnjih aktivnostih Orbanovih družinskih podjetij. Kot razkriva Direkt 36, madžarski preiskovalni novinarski center, podjetja v lasti Orbanove družine (očeta in dveh bratov ter zeta) bogato sodelujejo pri javnih infrastrukturnih projektih, ki jih financira vlada in so sofinancirani z EU sredstvi.
Pri tem Orbanova družinska podjetja uporabljajo zanimiv vzorec pridobivanja poslov: za posle nikoli ne tekmujejo na javnih razpisih, pač pa so vedno le podizvajalci, s čimer jih uradne baze podakov glede javnih naročil ne zaznajo.
Iz tega sledi logična špekulacija: če madžarski predsednik vlade Orban Sloveniji v imenu madžarske vlade posodi 200 mio evrov, ki jih Slovenija odplača po izjemno visoki 4.5% obrestni meri, pri tem pa zagotovi delo svojim družinskim podjetjem, ki postanejo podizvajalci pri gradnji drugega tira, je naredil izjemno dobro kupčijo, saj je tako uspel madžarska javna sredstva prekanalizirati na račune svojih družinskih podjetij, ne da bi kdo to opazil. Vse skupaj (prihodke Orbanovih družinskih podjetij) pa bogato financira Slovenija. Res čudovito Cerarjevo darilo Orbanu!
No, naslednjo soboto bo madžarski predsednik vlade prišel v Ljubljano kot gost na kongres največje opozicijske stranke SDS, hkrati pa se bo sestal tudi s slovenskim predsednikom vlade (in predsednikom največje koalicijske stranke SMC) Mirom Cerarjem. Novinarji bodo imeli odlično priložnost, da Orbana in Cerarja povprašajo, kako si predstavljata ta “orbanovski deal” pri gradnji drugega tira. “Janševi novinarji” jim pri tem seveda ne bodo pomagali, saj so, kot poroča SiolNET, “največji lastniki družbe Novatv24.si tri madžarska medijska podjetja, ki so del vplivnega kroga madžarskega predsednika vlade Viktorja Orbana in njegove stranke Fidesz.“
Zadeva postaja bizarno zanimiva.
Spodaj je nekaj odlomkov iz zapisa Direkt 36, o Orbanovih družinskih gradbenih poslih:
A great many trucks were coming and going a few years ago in Érd – a city near the Hungarian capital of Budapest – where the sewerage system was being built at the time. The trucks delivered hundreds of concrete elements and tons of stones needed for the publicly financed construction, worth of 30 billion forints (96 million euros). In many cases, the trucks were coming from an industrial site lying by a curvy road close to a village called Gánt, an hour’s drive from the capital.
The site belongs to one of the business interests of Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orbán’s family, whose companies have produced spectacular growth in the past few years. The businesses owned by the father and by the two brothers of the PM, dealing with mining, manufacturing concrete products, and transportation, have nearly doubled their revenues since 2013 and their profits have risen even faster.
While in 2013 they gained only 15% of profit on their total revenue of 2.7 billion forints (8.6 million euros), their profit increased to 30% on 5.2 billion forints (16.7 million euros) of revenue by 2015. The profit gained during these three years was fully withdrawn from the companies. After deducting the share of the partners, Orbán’s family members received nearly 2 billion forints (6.4 million euros) in dividends.
We could not uncover every detail of this spectacular growth, but it is certain that the involvement of the Orbán-companies in several state projects, mostly funded by the European Union, a frequent target of Mr. Orbán’s government, has contributed to the outstanding performance of the businesses. These companies were not the winners of the public tenders, but participated in them as suppliers of the companies contracted by the state. Thus, they do not appear in the tender-related public databases, which makes it difficult to get a clear picture about the scope of their involvement in the projects.
Other details also suggest that the Orbán-companies have ties to state projects. By tailing trucks loaded at the mine in Gánt we discovered that Colas, one of the biggest players in Hungary’s state-funded constructions, is among the clients of the Orbán-companies. A freight company owned and managed by the PM’s younger brother Áron Orbán mostly lists public projects among its work references. In 2010 Dolomit Ltd. received a technical license for the manufacturing of some products used for typically state-financed railway constructions. In recent years, one of the businesses of the successful public tender winner, Lőrinc Mészáros also appeared among the clients of a smaller Orbán-company.
Since the very beginnings, perceived or real ties with the state and with politics have cast shadows on the business activities of the Orbán family. During the privatisation process that followed the collapse of the socialist system in Hungary, in 1992 Győző Orbán and his business partners managed to get hands on a company operating the mine in Gánt. The purchase was helped by companies with ties to the Fidesz party, an article entitled “Boys in the mine” revealed in 1999. According to the article, a company close to Fidesz, previously capitalized from the party’s money, bought a share in the mine company during the privatisation, then sold it well below its nominal value to Orbán’s father and his business partners. Thus, Győző Orbán became the majority owner of the company called Dolomit Kőbányászati Kft. (Dolomit Rock Mining Ltd.), and currently holds 51.16% of the company.
Among the Orbán businesses, a freight and trading company has seen the most impressive growth in recent years. The company was originally called Ideális Áron Limited Partnership (translated as “At an ideal price”, which might have been a Hungarian word game referring to the name of the company’s manager, Áron Orbán). The firm was established in 2004, and was re-named to Nehéz Kő Ltd (“Heavy stone Ltd”) in 2008. Its revenue had been around a couple of hundred millions of forints (some hundred thousand euros) for years, but it jumped to over 1.6 billion forints (5.1 million euros) in 2015. According to the company’s website, it purchased its own trucks in 2012, but it also delivers goods by rail. Under the “main references” section, the website lists more than ten projects, most of them linked to public investments. The company delivered concrete products and stones for the construction of sewerage systems and motorways, and also for railway refurbishments.
It seems, however, that Dolomit Ltd. was planning to participate in railway refurbishment projects not only by supplying stones, but also other materials. A document published on the website of the state-owned ÉMI Construction Quality Control Innovation Nonprofit Ltd. shows that in 2010 the company of Orbán’s father had received technical approval for manufacturing certain concrete products used for rail construction. This license was valid until February 2015.