Kje se srečata in razhajata Varoufakis in Macron

Yanis Varoufakis je pred tremi dnevi napisal zelo dober komentar za Project Syndicate “The Left Must Vote for Macron“, s katerim se nikakor nisem strinjal, ko sem prebral naslov na twitterju in tuhtal ali naj grem prebrat članek ali ne. Vendar je Varoufakisov komentar dober. Ne v tem, ker pravi, da bi levica morala podpreti Macrona kljub njegovi neoliberalni naravnanosti, saj gre za manjše zlo od od ksenofobnega radikalizma Le Penove, ki cilja na najbolj ranljive skupine. Pač pa v tem, ker najprej izpostavi Macrona kot edinega francoskeja politika, ki se je pred dvema letoma potegnil za Grčijo, nato pa izpostavi razlike (navkljub enaki diagnozi, da je evro nevzdržen za EU) med pogledi obeh, kako se lotiti ključnih problemov sedanjega časa – od evra, prekarnih zaposlitev, financiranja velikih naložb in regulacije bančnega sistema.

Tja, v bistvu se razen diagnoze stanja sploh ne strinjata. Kar pomeni, da Macron ne bo nosilec novega progresivizma v Evropi, pač pa le še en povprečen francoski politik brez dometa izven obstoječega establishmenta.

I recall what an eye-opener my first meeting with France’s Socialist finance minister, Michel Sapin, was. When we spoke in private, he was brimming with jovial comradeship. During our press conference, however, he spoke like the hardline “austerian” Wolfgang Schäuble, Germany’s Christian Democrat finance minister. As we left the pressroom, Sapin instantly switched back to bonhomie. Determined to maintain my poise, I turned to him and asked, only half-jokingly: “Who are you, and what have you done to my Michel?” His response was: “Yanis, you need to understand that France is not what it used to be.”

Sapin’s subservience to Europe’s authoritarian establishment was mirrored in Berlin by Sigmar Gabriel, the German Social Democrats’ leader and Vice Chancellor. He, too, spoke to me in private like a comrade-in-arms while striving in public to emulate Schäuble. When the tussle between our government and the “Troika” (the European Commission, the European, Central Bank, and the International Monetary Fund) came to a head, both Sapin and Gabriel adopted the worst and most aggressive elements of the creditors’ propaganda against our government.

Perhaps because Macron did not emerge from the test tube of social-democratic party politics, he was the only minister of the Franco-German axis to risk his own political capital by coming to Greece’s aid in 2015. As I recount in my new book (and a recent commentary in Le Monde), Macron understood that what the Eurogroup of eurozone finance ministers and the Troika were doing to our government and, more importantly, to our people was detrimental to the interests of France and the European Union.

In a text message, with which he announced his willingness to intervene and try to end our asphyxiation, he told me that he struggled to convince Hollande and Gabriel to find a solution. His message ended thus: “I do not want my generation to be the one responsible for Greece exiting Europe.”

My disagreements with Macron are legion; but our points of agreement are also important. We agree that the eurozone is unsustainable, but disagree about what should be done before the EU can put political union on the table. We agree that the single-minded pursuit of competitiveness is turning Europe into a zero-sum, beggar-thy-neighbor game, but disagree about how to bring about the large-scale investment needed to support productivity improvements.

We agree that precarious, gig-economy labor is gangrene for social welfare, but we (strongly) disagree about how to extend protection to casual workers without casualizing protected workers. We agree on the need to forge a proper European banking union, but disagree on the need to put the financial genie back in its bottle. Above all, I lack evidence to convince my comrades at DiEM25, the Democracy in Europe Movement, to trust Macron’s capacity and willingness to clash with an establishment that is pursuing the failed policies that have fed support for Le Pen.

Despite these caveats, I support Macron. Just as he texted me that he did not want his generation to be responsible for strangling Greece, I, too, refuse to be part of a generation of leftists responsible for allowing a fascist and racist to win the French presidency. Naturally, if Macron wins and becomes merely another functionary of Europe’s deep establishment, my comrades and I will oppose him no less energetically than we are – or should be – opposing Le Pen now.

Vir: Yanis Varoufakis, Project Syndicate

3 responses

  1. Pravijo, da največja skrivnost vsake revolucije ni v tem kdo jo vodi, ampak kdo jo financira….

    Kdo je ustvaril Macron-ovo gibanje iz nič, postavil strukturo, plačal “prostovoljce”, zagotovil uniformno podporo tiska,…Macron? Ne me hecat!

    Ljudje vedno znova padejo na finto voditelja. Voditelj, ki mu vse vodijo , organizirajo, plačajo drugi, verjetno to ni. Je le javna podoba sile iza kulis. Operater ne protagonist. Mislim, da je takih vse več.

    Varoufakisov komentar je dragocen. Zelo lepo pokaže naravo politike v EU in razvitem svetu nasploh.
    Se še spomnite Trump-a pred volitvami in sedaj? Mislite da je Safin-ova, Gabrielova ali Trump-ova preobrazba zaradi volilcev?

    Mislite, da so Varoufakis-a spustili v Le Monde zaradi kvalitete komentarja in spoštovanja do Varoufakis-a, ali zaradi oportune potrebe po podpori Macron-u? Da ne bi levica slučajno volila LePen-ovo.

  2. Jasno je, kdo je podprl Macrona na volitvah. To je veliki kapital. Za kapital so nacionalisti, ki bi razbili enotni ekonomski prostor Evrope, zelo nevarni, vsekakor nevarnejši od brezzobih levičarjev, ki ne uspejo spraviti skupaj nobene prave opcije kapitalu, kaj šele da bi se povezali v novo internacionalo in dobili na moči. V odsotnosti prave alternative smo prepuščeni benevolenci kapitala, da prepušča posamezne bonbončke ljudstvu (kot je UTD), predvsem pa volilni show, medtem ko ureja svet po svoje. Vendar mislim, da je tudi kapital spoznal, da je šel pri forsiranju svojih rešitev, kot je globalizacija, izkoriščanje delavcev, uničevanje socialnih držav in podobno predaleč, saj je povzročil ljudski revolt, ki se manifestira v nacionalizmih, Trumpu, brexitu, LePenovi in podobnih. Tudi v Evropi je šla ta agresivna politika kapitala, ki jo pooseblja nemški minister Schauble, predaleč in je ogrozila celo obstoj EU.
    Po mojem mnenju (upam vsaj) se je evropski veliki kapital odločil, da si nadene bolj človeški izraz v obliki mladega Macrona, ki bo sicer uredil na evropskem nivoju za kapital pomembne zadeve, kot je evropsko finančno ministrstvo, bančna unija z ustreznimi skladi za varovanje naložb, verjetno bo pospešil naložbe na nivoju EU in še kaj po agendi kapitala, vendar bo moral dati ljudstvu nekaj odpustkov, predvsem v obliki obdržanja države blaginje. Pa evro bo obstal, jasno.

    Ja, takle mamo. Dokler ne bo žlahtna levica vstala iz pepela (za kar smo konec koncev odgovorni vsi skupaj), bomo prepuščeni dobri volji in prosvetljenosti kapitala, ki bo z nami igral igro korenčka (v obliki kakega Macrona) in palice (v obliki kakeka Schaubleja).

    • Macron seveda ni levičar, ampak “sredina”. To je tista sredina, ki se v današnjem času takoj po volitvah obrne v desno, kot je zapisala neka Dnevnikova kolumnistka. Zapomnimo si vsaj tole njegovo predvolilno obljubo: Francijo v naslednjih 5 letih ubraniti pred politično skrajnostjo. Bomo videli, že zelo kmalu, definitivno prej kot v petih letih. Če se bo predvidljivo obrnil v (kapitalistično) desno, je moj denar (ne pa tudi glas) na fašistih/nacionalistih.

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