Cena Amy Klobuchar, ki jo je plačalo cionistično židovsko združenje AIPAC, je bila 664,011 dolarjev. Če torej kot cionistični izraelski lobi plačaš vsem kongresnikom in senatorjem po isti tarifi, imaš v Kongresu in Senatu za 277 mio dolarjev zagotovljeno dolgoročno popolno podporo vsemu, kar Izrael počne in vsako leto nekaj milijard dolarjev pomoči izraelski državi (3 milijarde dolarjev letno, skupaj 30 milijard dolarjev v 10 letih, v kar ni všteto sedanjih 10 milijard dolarjev pomoči Izraelu za napad na Gazo). Ameriški politiki so res poceni.

No, mene to izraelsko financiranje ameriških politikov spominja na zavarovanje: izraelski lobi prek AIPAC plačuje relativno nizke premije za zavarovanje senatorjem in kongresnikom, nakar Izrael vsako leto uveljavlja plačilo škode v višini 3 milijarde dolarjev. S to razliko, da bi vsaka zavarovalnica ob taki pogostosti izplačil škode istega zavarovanca temu drastično dvignila premijo.

Kaj pravi Wikipedia o cionističnem združenju (“the second-most powerful influence group in Washington, D.C.“) AIPAC (American Israel Public Affairs Committee):

AIPAC was founded in 1953 by Isaiah L. Kenen as the American Zionist Committee for Public Affairs as a lobbying division of the American Zionist Council (AZC).^[17] Kenen, a lobbyist for the AZC, had at earlier times worked for the Israeli Ministry of Foreign Affairs. As a lobbyist, Kenen diverged from AZC’s usual public relations efforts by trying to broaden support for Israel among traditionally non-Zionist groups. The founding of the new organization was in part a response to the negative international reaction to the October 1953 Qibya massacre, in which Israeli troops under Ariel Sharon killed at least sixty-nine Palestinian villagers, two-thirds of them women and children.^[17] As the Eisenhower administration suspected the AZC of being funded by the government of Israel, it was decided that the lobbying efforts should be separated into a separate organization with separate finances.^[17]

…

The American Israel Public Affairs Committee (AIPAC/ˈeɪpæk/AY-pak) is a lobbying group that advocates pro-Israel policies to the legislative and executive branches of the United States.^[4] One of several pro-Israel lobbying organizations in the United States,^[5] AIPAC states that it has over 100,000 members,^[6] 17 regional offices, and “a vast pool of donors”.^[7] Representative Brad Sherman (D–California) has called AIPAC “the single most important organization in promoting the U.S.–Israel alliance”.^[8] In addition, the organization has been called one of the most powerful lobbying groups in the United States.^[7]

Until 2021, AIPAC did not raise funds for political candidates itself; its members raised money for candidates through political action committees unaffiliated with AIPAC and by other means.^[7] In late 2021, AIPAC formed its own political action committee. It also announced plans for a Super-PAC, which can spend money on behalf of candidates.^[3][9][10]Its critics have stated it acts as an agent of the Israeli government with a “stranglehold” on the United States Congress with its power and influence.^[11] AIPAC has been accused of being strongly allied with the Likud party of Israel, and the Republican Party in the U.S. An AIPAC spokesman has called this a “malicious mischaracterization”.^[7]The Washington Post described the perceived differences between AIPAC and J Street: “While both groups call themselves bipartisan, AIPAC has won support from an overwhelming majority of Republican Jews, while J Street is presenting itself as an alternative for Democrats who have grown uncomfortable with both Netanyahu‘s policies and the conservatives’ flocking to AIPAC.”^[12]

AIPAC describes itself as a bipartisan organization,^[13] and the bills for which it lobbies in Congress are always jointly sponsored by both a Democrat and Republican.^[14] AIPAC’s supporters claim its bipartisan nature can be seen at its yearly policy conference, which in 2016 included both major parties’ nominees: Democrat Hillary Clinton and Republican Donald Trump. High-ranking Democrats, including Vice President (later President) Joe Biden and Senator (later Vice President) Kamala Harris have addressed AIPAC,^[15][16] as well as high-ranking Republicans, including Paul Ryan, then-Speaker of the United States House of Representatives.

History

According to journalist Connie Bruck, AIPAC was incorporated in 1963^[18] and headed by Kenen until he retired in 1974 and was suceeded by Morris J. Amitay.^[19] Kenen was “an old-fashioned liberal,” according to former AIPAC volunteer journalist M.J. Rosenberg, who did not seek to win support by donating to campaigns or otherwise influencing elections, but was willing to “play with the hand that is dealt us.”^[18]

Michael Oren writes in his book, Power, Faith, and Fantasy: America in the Middle East 1776 to the Present: “Though founded in 1953, AIPAC had only now in the mid-70s, achieved the financial and political clout necessary to sway congressional opinion. Confronted with opposition from both houses of Congress, United States PresidentGerald Ford rescinded his ‘reassessment.'”^[20]George Lenczowski notes a similar, mid-1970s timeframe for the rise of AIPAC power: “It [the Jimmy Carter presidency] also coincides with the militant emergence of the American Israel Public Affairs Committee (AIPAC) as a major force in shaping American policy toward the Middle East.”^[21]

In 1980, Thomas Dine became the executive director of AIPAC, and developed its grassroots campaign. By the late 1980s, AIPAC’s board of directors was “dominated” by four successful businessmen—Mayer (Bubba) Mitchell, Edward Levy, Robert Asher, and Larry Weinberg.^[22]

AIPAC scored two major victories in the early 1980s that established its image among political candidates as an organization “not to be trifled with” and set the pace for “a staunchly pro-Israel” Congress over the next three decades.^[23] In 1982, activists affiliated with AIPAC in Skokie, Illinois, backed Richard J. Durbin to oust U.S. Representative Paul Findley (R–Illinois), who had shown enthusiasm for PLO leader Yasir Arafat. In 1984, Senator Charles H. Percy (R-Illinois), then-chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee and a supporter of a deal to allow Saudi Arabia to buy sophisticated Airborne early warning and control (AWAC) military planes was defeated by Democrat Paul Simon. Simon was asked by Robert Asher, an AIPAC board member in Chicago, to run against Percy.^[23]

In 2005, Lawrence Franklin, a Pentagon analyst pleaded guilty to espionage charges of passing U.S. government secrets to AIPAC policy director Steve J. Rosen and AIPAC senior Iran analyst Keith Weissman, in what is known as the AIPAC espionage scandal. Rosen and Weissman were later fired by AIPAC.^[24] In 2009, charges against the former AIPAC employees were dropped.^[25]

In February 2019, freshman U.S. Representative Ilhan Omar (D-Minnesota), one of the first two Muslim women (along with Rashida Tlaib) to serve in Congress, created a controversy by tweeting that House Minority Leader Kevin McCarthy‘s (R-California) support for Israel was “all about the Benjamins” (i.e. about the money).^[26] The next day, she clarified that she meant AIPAC.^[27] Omar later apologized but also made another statement attacking “political influence in this country that says it is okay to push for allegiance to a foreign country.” The statements aroused anger among AIPAC supporters, but also vocal support among the progressive wing of the Democratic Party and “revived a fraught debate” in American politics over whether AIPAC has too much influence over American policy in the Middle East,^[23] while highlighting the deterioration of some relationships between progressive Democrats and pro-Israel organizations.^[27]On March 6, 2019, the Democratic leadership put forth a resolution on the House floor condemning anti-Semitism, which was broadened to condemn bigotry against a wide variety of groups before it passed on March 7.^[28][29]

Aims, activities, size, and successes

AIPAC’s stated purpose is to lobby the Congress of the United States on issues and legislation related to Israel. AIPAC regularly meets with members of Congress and holds events where it can share its views.

Size

As of early 2019, AIPAC had 17 regional and satellite offices and a new headquarters on K Street in Washington, D.C.^[23] AIPAC spent $3.5 million on lobbying in 2018, a relatively large sum in the realm of foreign policy (more than 10 times J Street‘s lobbying expenditure),^[27] but less than many industry lobby groups, according to OpenSecrets, with the top 15 such groups in the US all spending over $15 million.^[30] It has also been noted that, simple dollar value comparisons aside, AIPAC has “a somewhat unique model” that often begins donating early in careers of politicians with “long-term promise”.^[30]AIPAC also commits to spending on a variety of “less formal means of influence-peddling”, such as luxury flights and accommodation for congress members,^[27] and surreptitiously channels millions through groups such as the United Democracy Project.^[31]

Generating support among policymakers

Thomas Dine developed a network to reach every member of congress. American Jews, the “vital core” of AIPAC membership,^[32] made up less than 3% of the U.S. population and was concentrated in only nine states.^[33] Today, thousands of AIPAC supporters gather at AIPAC’s annual Policy Conference in Washington, D.C. every year. Donors and VIPs are invited to the Leadership Reception on the final night of the conference, which hosts hundreds of members of Congress.^[34]

AIPAC has created “caucuses” in every congressional district, with AIPAC staffers organizing every district’s Jewish community, regardless of size. Campaign contributions were bundled and distributed to candidates in congressional districts and where they would do some good. According to journalist Connie Bruck, by the end of the 1980s, there were “dozens” of political action committees with no formal relation to AIPAC, but whose leader was often an AIPAC member.^[33]The Wall Street Journal reports that in 1987 at least 51 of 80 pro-Israel PACs were operated by AIPAC officials.^[35][36] Some committees that “operate independently” of AIPAC but “whose missions and membership align” with it include the Florida Congressional Committee, NORPAC in New Jersey, To Protect Our Heritage PAC near Chicago, and the Maryland Association for Concerned Citizens near Baltimore.^[23]

The Washington Post states that “its Web site, which details how members of Congress voted on AIPAC’s key issues, and the AIPAC Insider, a glossy periodical that handicaps close political races, are scrutinized by thousands of potential donors. Pro-Israel interests have contributed $56.8 million in individual, group, and soft money donations to federal candidates and party committees since 1990, according to the non-partisan OpenSecrets. Between the 2000 and the 2004 elections, the 50 members of AIPAC’s board donated an average of $72,000 each to campaigns and political action committees.”^[37] According to Dine, in the 1980s and 1990s contributions from AIPAC members often constituted “roughly 10 to 15% of a typical congressional campaign budget.”^[7]

AIPAC influences lawmakers in other ways by:

• matching an AIPAC member with shared interests to a member of Congress.^[38] Sheryl Gay Stolberg calls the system of “key contacts” AIPAC’s “secret” and quotes activist Tom Dine as saying that AIPAC’s office can call on “five to 15” key contacts for every senator including “standoffish” ones.^[23]
• carefully curated trips to Israel for legislators and other opinion-makers, all-expenses-paid for by AIPAC’s charitable arm, the American Israel Education Foundation.^[39] In 2005 alone, more than 100 members of Congress visited Israel, some multiple times.^[40]
• cultivating student leaders such as student body presidents.^[41] At colleges, it provides “political leadership training” to undergraduate student groups. This is an effort to “build a stronger pro-Israel movement among students on and off campuses nationwide.”^[42]
• sympathy for Israel among the general public.^[43]

AIPAC has supported loyal incumbents (such as Senator Lowell P. Weicker Jr. (R-Connecticut) even when opposed by Jewish candidates, and the organization has worked to unseat pro-Palestinian incumbents (such as Representative Paul Findley) or candidates perceived to be unsympathetic to Israel (Senator Charles H. Percy).^[7] However, a Jewish member of Congress, Representative Jan Schakowsky (D-Illinois), who had maintained good relations with AIPAC and had been given campaign contributions by its members, was opposed by the group in her 2010 reelection campaign after she was endorsed by the advocacy group J Street.^[7]

According to former Representative Brian Baird (D-Washington), “Any member of Congress knows that AIPAC is associated indirectly with significant amounts of campaign spending if you’re with them, and significant amounts against you if you’re not with them.” “AIPAC-connected money” amounted to about $200,000 in each of his campaigns for office — “and that’s two hundred thousand going your way, versus the other way: a four-hundred-thousand-dollar swing.”^[44] AIPAC-directed campaign contributions—as with many interest groups—came with considerable “tactical input”. AIPAC staffers told Baird and other lawmakers, “No, we don’t say it that way, we say it this way.” Baird complained, “There’s a whole complex semantic code you learn. … After a while, you find yourself saying and repeating it as if it were fact.”^[7]

Goals

AIPAC strongly supports substantial U.S. aid to Israel. In March 2009, AIPAC executive director Howard Kohr appeared before the House Committee on Appropriations‘ Foreign Operations subcommittee and requested that Israel receive $2.775 billion in military aid in fiscal year 2010, as called for in the 2007 Memorandum of Understanding between the U.S. and Israel that allocates $30 billion in aid for Israel over 10 years. Kohr stated that “American assistance to Israel serves vital U.S. national security interests and advances critical U.S. foreign policy goals.” The military hardware Israel must purchase to face the increased threat of terrorism and Islamist radicalism is increasingly expensive due to the recent spike in petroleum prices which have enabled countries such as Iran to augment their military budgets, according to Kohr.^[42][45]

Whether AIPAC lobbied for the Iraq War is disputed. Representative Jim Moran (D-Virginia) has stated that AIPAC had been “pushing the [Iraq War] from the beginning.”^[46] A report in The New Yorker also reported that AIPAC lobbied Congress in favor of the war.^[47] However, according to the Jewish News, AIPAC never supported or lobbied for the war in Iraq.^[48] According to a columnist at The Washington Post: “Once it was clear that the Bush administration was determined to go to war [in Iraq], AIPAC cheered from the sidelines.”^[37] Some observers suggested the official silence owed to concerns that linking Israel to the war.^[49]

AIPAC’s official position on Iran is to encourage a strong diplomatic and economic response coordinated among the United States government, its European allies, Russia, and China.^[37]

In 2012, AIPAC called for “crippling” sanctions on Iran in a letter to every member of Congress.^[50] In line with this approach, AIPAC has lobbied to levy economic embargoes and increase sanctions on Iran (known as the Nuclear Weapon Free Iran Act of 2013).^[4] However, according to The New York Times, its effort “stalled after stiff resistance from President Obama.”^[51][52]

On agriculture and agricultural trade AIPAC lobbies for greater cooperation between the two countries.^[53] AIPAC considers agriculture to be a key economic sector for economic cooperation between them.^[53]

Successes

AIPAC has been compared to firearms, banking, defense, and energy lobbies as “long” being “a feature of politics in Washington.” Its promotional literature notes that the Leadership Reception during its annual Policy Conference “will be attended by more members of Congress than almost any other event, except for a joint session of Congress or a State of the Union address.”^[54]The New York Times has described AIPAC as “a major force in shaping United States policy in the Middle East”^[55] that is able to push numerous bills through Congress. “Typically,” these “pass by unanimous votes.”^[51]

A House of Representatives resolution condemning the UN Goldstone Report on human rights violations by Israel in Gaza, for example, passed 344–36 in 2009.^[56][57]

In 1997,Fortune magazine named AIPAC the second-most powerful influence group in Washington, D.C.^[58]

AIPAC advises members of Congress about the issues that face today’s Middle East, including the dangers of extremism and terrorism. It was an early supporter of the Counter-Terrorism Act of 1995, which resulted in increased FBI resources being committed to fight terrorism.^[59]

AIPAC also lobbies for financial aid from the United States to Israel, helping to procure up to $3 billion in aid yearly, making Israel “the largest cumulative recipient of U.S. foreign assistance since World War II.”^[60] According to the Congressional Research Service (CRS), these include providing aid “as all grant cash transfers, not designated for particular projects, and…transferred as a lump sum in the first month of the fiscal year, instead of in periodic increments. Israel is allowed to spend about one quarter of the military aid for the procurement in Israel of defense articles and services, including research and development, rather than in the United States.”^[61]

Vir: Wikipedia